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| Picture credit: Inner City Press |
In January 2009, the Congolese government received backing from the UN to use aggressive force against rebel groups in the Democratic Republic of Congo (DRC). The consequences of this strategy were vast: civilian casualties, sexual violence and mass displacement. The head of UN peacekeeping in the DRC terminated this strategy on the 31st December 2009, and hopes to replace it with a plan that better safeguards civilians.
By Marcus Stroessel
December 2009
Furaha, a 40 year-old mother, was working in her field when she was seized by a group of armed men and raped. For the next six months she served as their sex slave and was forced to sleep with around six men a day.
"One day they beat me so hard that I thought I was dead; they left me there and I don't know how long I was unconscious. The first thing I remember is the peacekeepers rescuing me."
Furaha's story shows why 10 years into its mission, the Democratic Republic of the Congo's UN peacekeeping force ? better known by its French acronym MONUC is as vital as ever. She literally owes them her life.
But the UN has taken a wrong turn and Monuc has let down the very people it was meant to help. This year a military strategy, planned by the Congolese government and backed by the UN, aimed to bring peace by aggressive action against a rebel group. But it has gone catastrophically awry.
Since January, 900,000 people have fled their homes and more than a thousand civilians have been killed. Homes have been burned to the ground and women and girls, some as young as four, have been brutally raped.
This violence is the direct result of the Congolese army's offensive against the Democratic Forces for the Liberation of Rwanda (FDLR), a group formed by some of those responsible for the Rwandan genocide, who have hidden in Congo since 1994. The highest echelons of the UN security council have given this offensive their backing and the peacekeepers supported it by providing the Congolese army with food rations, fuel and transport, and occasionally fire-power.
On the face of it, support for removing rebels might not seem so bad. But the suffering the offensive has unleashed is disproportionate to any results it has achieved. As of October, for every rebel combatant disarmed during this offensive, one civilian was killed, an estimated seven women were raped, six houses were torched, and 900 people were forced to flee their homes, according to a group of 84 Congolese and international NGOs.
The UN should have realised that this outcome was likely. The Congolese army is poorly paid, undisciplined and known human rights abusers serve in the officer class. As a result, many units have treated civilians as if they were the enemy. Sections of the army have burned, looted and raped wherever they have been posted.
The FDLR has also wreaked havoc and has deliberately responded to this year's offensive with vicious reprisals against civilians. People in eastern Congo have told us that the operations have "woken a sleeping devil" and the FDLR are now more aggressive. Indeed a report by the UN's own independent specialists on Congo, the Group of Experts, said that the offensive had failed on its own terms: the FDLR has not been dismantled and is still a threat to civilians.
The "highest priority" of the peacekeepers according to their mandate is protecting civilians. This military misadventure, however well intended it may be, goes completely against that.
After many months of downplaying the stark humanitarian consequences, Alan Doss, the head of UN peacekeeping in Congo, has said that the operation will end on 31 December, to make way for a new phase of joint UN-Congolese operations. The UN is attempting to put in place better safeguards for civilian protection this time around. The people of eastern Congo will be waiting to see if they can make that happen.
Yet there are other ways to weaken the FDLR that are less harmful to civilians. Depleting their ranks through offers of resettlement is one. Likewise, members of the FDLR in Europe and beyond have kept the militia going with funding and advice on military tactics, and need to be clamped down on. Legal action is being taken against The FDLR's president in Germany but other members overseas are continuing their activities unhindered.
For the sake of Furaha and others like her, the UN security council must learn from the mistakes made this year and start charting a less destructive path to peace in Congo.
"One day they beat me so hard that I thought I was dead; they left me there and I don't know how long I was unconscious. The first thing I remember is the peacekeepers rescuing me."
Furaha's story shows why 10 years into its mission, the Democratic Republic of the Congo's UN peacekeeping force ? better known by its French acronym MONUC is as vital as ever. She literally owes them her life.
But the UN has taken a wrong turn and Monuc has let down the very people it was meant to help. This year a military strategy, planned by the Congolese government and backed by the UN, aimed to bring peace by aggressive action against a rebel group. But it has gone catastrophically awry.
Since January, 900,000 people have fled their homes and more than a thousand civilians have been killed. Homes have been burned to the ground and women and girls, some as young as four, have been brutally raped.
This violence is the direct result of the Congolese army's offensive against the Democratic Forces for the Liberation of Rwanda (FDLR), a group formed by some of those responsible for the Rwandan genocide, who have hidden in Congo since 1994. The highest echelons of the UN security council have given this offensive their backing and the peacekeepers supported it by providing the Congolese army with food rations, fuel and transport, and occasionally fire-power.
On the face of it, support for removing rebels might not seem so bad. But the suffering the offensive has unleashed is disproportionate to any results it has achieved. As of October, for every rebel combatant disarmed during this offensive, one civilian was killed, an estimated seven women were raped, six houses were torched, and 900 people were forced to flee their homes, according to a group of 84 Congolese and international NGOs.
The UN should have realised that this outcome was likely. The Congolese army is poorly paid, undisciplined and known human rights abusers serve in the officer class. As a result, many units have treated civilians as if they were the enemy. Sections of the army have burned, looted and raped wherever they have been posted.
The FDLR has also wreaked havoc and has deliberately responded to this year's offensive with vicious reprisals against civilians. People in eastern Congo have told us that the operations have "woken a sleeping devil" and the FDLR are now more aggressive. Indeed a report by the UN's own independent specialists on Congo, the Group of Experts, said that the offensive had failed on its own terms: the FDLR has not been dismantled and is still a threat to civilians.
The "highest priority" of the peacekeepers according to their mandate is protecting civilians. This military misadventure, however well intended it may be, goes completely against that.
After many months of downplaying the stark humanitarian consequences, Alan Doss, the head of UN peacekeeping in Congo, has said that the operation will end on 31 December, to make way for a new phase of joint UN-Congolese operations. The UN is attempting to put in place better safeguards for civilian protection this time around. The people of eastern Congo will be waiting to see if they can make that happen.
Yet there are other ways to weaken the FDLR that are less harmful to civilians. Depleting their ranks through offers of resettlement is one. Likewise, members of the FDLR in Europe and beyond have kept the militia going with funding and advice on military tactics, and need to be clamped down on. Legal action is being taken against The FDLR's president in Germany but other members overseas are continuing their activities unhindered.
For the sake of Furaha and others like her, the UN security council must learn from the mistakes made this year and start charting a less destructive path to peace in Congo.
