Global Policy Forum

By Avi Steinberg *

In his remarks last September at the swearing-in ceremony of Roger Noriega as Assistant Secretary for Western Hemisphere Affairs, Colin Powell permitted himself to fantasize aloud: "We seek thriving economic partners that are democratic, stable and prosperous. We want secure borders and cooperative neighbors." Powell concluded by turning to Noriega and saying, "Your order is to bring this vision closer to reality and to call me when you're finished."

In joking about the immensity of the task and of his reluctance to get involved, Powell, a man not noted for his sense of humor, revealed something fundamental to U.S. policy in Haiti. Simply put, the U.S. is unwilling to engage directly with the problems of Haiti and would rather see the job managed by somebody, anybody else. This week, Powell identified this somebody else as none other than the Haitian people: "the disarmament process will not work unless the Haitian people stand up and say: 'Enough! We don't want the past repeating itself...' It's up to the Haitian people — not the military or peacekeeping forces — to solve this problem. [If] the Haitian people want it solved, they have to solve it." The U.S. can offer money and the occasional democracy seminar, otherwise, the Secretary says, the "Haitian people" must simply try harder.

It's hard to speak about all of the Haitian people, but it is fair to say that some Haitian people are indeed making a great effort. These people, with the backing of the United States, are trying very hard to find and intimidate every last Lavalas Party member and purge society of all dissent. Some of these people are trying very hard to hold their fire until the Marines leave. The rest of Haiti is trying hard to just get enough food in order to stay alive.

Powell is correct to say that disarmament — which is key to any secure, democratic future for Haiti — requires the will of the Haitian people. But will alone isn't enough. The U.S. must give all sides material reasons to lay down their arms — when resources are scarce, as they are in Haiti, people arm themselves and fight. This is the matrix of poverty and violence in Haiti. Even as it calls on the Haitian people to decide to resolve their problems, the U.S. ignores poverty while rewarding violence. Anti-Aristidists gained power (and will maintain it) at gunpoint. Similarly, pro-Aristidists, who themselves maintained power through brutal repression, have every reason to regain that power through violence. The people might want a peaceful resolution, but until they see a viable path towards it, they will continue fighting for survival; and as long as there's no legal recourse, demagogues and thugs will exploit this lack of direction for their personal gain. Arms proliferation is a festering problem but, still, is only symptomatic of larger problems such as hunger.

During his trip to Haiti, Powell said all the right things. He said that the U.S. will remain engaged as long as is necessary. But even as Powell worked hard to legitimize this new government, there were signs that the U.S. position in Haiti is weakening. For example, the new government is unwilling to arrest criminal elements within the anti-Aristide camp. The government, however, seems to have little difficulty arresting pro-Aristidists. The U.S. and its allies have responded by taking their own action against the violent criminals: since the government itself was unwilling to arrest the rebels, the U.S. and French did it for them. This might enflame tensions and provoke a violent response. It might be a show, demonstrating the U.S.'s even-handedness or it might be the kind of behavior that anti-Aristidists will tolerate for a short period of time in the hopes of eventually grabbing the reins. In any case, it indicates that the judicial system is as murky and partisan as ever. And a few arrests by the U.S. won't change that.

Similarly, Powell's statement that his government does not support the reconstitution of the Haitian army reflects the U.S.'s attempt to cut ex-military/criminal elements out of the new ruling equation. Powell wants to nix the massively destabilizing influence of a resurgent military and avoid old, familiar scenarios of military dictatorships. Powell correctly believes that Haiti needs to focus on civilian institutions while building a well-trained and well-equipped police force. Unfortunately, since February, the military has been busy reconstituting itself. The rebellion and the march on Port-au-Prince served this end nicely; the military has retrained itself on the job. The north of the country is effectively under this military rule — these men are also waiting patiently around the capital. If the U.S. wanted to prevent the Haitian military from re-forming, it should have flexed its muscles months ago. Now things are just that much more complicated.

When asked for his personal message to the Haitian people, Powell responded, "Have faith!" In the absence of concrete hopes or coherent plans this is the best the U.S. has to offer.

About the author: Avi Steinberg is a freelance writer living in Boston. After studying American foreign policy at Harvard, he received a fellowship in 2002-3 to live in Jerusalem and study international conflict. He is on staff at Transition Magazine.