Global Policy Forum

By Avi Steinberg*

In both the cities and the countryside, this is a bad season for Haiti's poorest. As already horrible conditions worsen, Haitian interim Prime Minister Gérard Latortue has been busy traveling to the United States and then to France, carrying this message: Haiti needs funds quickly. The US pledged $40 million in addition to the $55 million it has already promised; France will pitch in less than that. All of this followed by an historic visit by France.

The question of how this money will be allocated remains open. The US has decided to meet with wealthy businesspeople from South Florida's Haitian community to discuss how best to spend this money. This is the first time the US has actually asked these people what their country's needs are. While this is a step in the right direction, it is not enough. The recommendations of Haiti's wealthy class — let's remember that Latortue himself is a member of this Florida community — are essential to the rebuilding of the country, but ultimately mostly self-serving. The people who need the most help are the majority of the country, the impoverished and starving masses. Their concerns are being ignored and their representatives — the Lavalas Party are being silenced.

This Tuesday, a large Lavalas demonstration is planned. The size of the demonstration will reflect, not how much popular support remains for the party, but how much the populace feels free to express its support for Lavalas. The current government campaign of arresting Lavalas people, a campaign that has intensified in the days leading up to the demonstration — is intended to strike fear in the hearts of Haiti's impoverished majority; it is aimed to keep people off the streets. If this week the peoples' anger, frustration and hunger don't outweigh their fear of government reprisals, next week or next month or next year it will. In the meantime, Latortue can count on foreign troops for cover — but he knows this is only temporary.

During his trip to the US, Latortue chided black Americans for their vociferous criticism of him and for their pledges of support for Aristide. He accused these critics of placing US "black power" interests over the interests of Haiti. This claim is remarkable in that it completely denies the existence of Haiti's racialized politics, characterizing this reality as some self-serving African-American myth. Even if he thinks it so, a majority of his own country would disagree with him. So who's making self-serving claims?

But Latortue is correct that Haiti's problems extend beyond race politics. They are essentially socio-economic. It is his refusal — or worse, his inability — to understand the nexus between race, politics and poverty in Haiti that raises serious concerns about his ability to lead Haiti. In the absence of this type of understanding, Latortue does exactly what he accuses his critics of doing: he makes race alone the issue. Of course, race alone does not account for Haiti's turmoil — but it is an essential element in the mix. Regardless of his problems, Aristide understood this dynamic much better than Latortue and spoke in a language that made sense to majority of the population.

While the Haitian refugee crisis in Jamaica worsens at least one refugee in Jamaica will find a new home. South Africa has given the green light for deposed President Aristide to take up residence within its borders. Critics within South Africa opposed this decision on the grounds that South Africa of all places should not grant asylum to a known human rights abuser. But South Africa's recently reelected government has rejected these arguments and will soon welcome Aristide. Aristide's presence in South Africa will undoubtedly raise the profile of his continued struggle and will help establish him as the victimized black leader of the oppressed who stood up and continues to stand up to the world's white imperialist bullies (and their wealthy lackeys in Haiti).

As usual in politics, there are elements of truth to this characterization and, at the same time, there are a number of not-quite-truths. But what cannot be denied is that a vast underclass of Haiti is groaning under the oppression of poverty and that these people looked to Aristide because he spoke their language and, in some sense, looked like them. This isn't a fabrication of race warriors in the US and South Africa — it is the experience of millions of Haitians. Latortue ignores this experience at his own peril.

About the author: Avi Steinberg is a freelance writer living in Boston. After studying American foreign policy at Harvard, he received a fellowship in 2002-3 to live in Jerusalem and study international conflict. He is on staff at Transition Magazine