Global Policy Forum

By Burhan Chalabi

By London-based Iraqi author Burhan Chalabi, writing for pan-Arab al-Quds al-Arabi

During a discussion of the economic blockade of Iraq and the Middle East peace process held in London recently, I asked British Foreign Office Minister Peter Hain why his country insists on pursuing its present Iraq policy despite its evident failure and the hardship it is causing the ordinary people of that country.

"What is the alternative?" Hain replied. He added that the only salvation for Iraq lies in its implementation of Security Council Resolution 1284, which in effect provides for a suspension of sanctions in exchange for new stricter conditions.

As is commonly known, the relationship between Iraq and the UN Security Council -- where the sanctions regime is concerned -- doesn't require any new resolutions. Iraq's legal rights are all provided for by Article 22 of Resolution 687 that obliges the UN to lift the economic blockade when Iraq satisfies certain requirements, which it has.

Moreover, Resolution 1284 in particular is singularly unqualified in its present form to satisfy Iraq's interests in any way. Its text doesn't contain any elements conducive to the creation of a positive and sincere atmosphere in which the static relationship between Baghdad and the UN can move forward.

This is because the main purpose of this resolution was and remains to draw world public opinion away from the illegality of Operation Desert Fox (of December 1998), and give the impression that Britain is sincere in finding ways to ease the suffering of the Iraqi people -- suffering which is essentially the result of London's continuing support of Washington's aggressive policies against Iraq and its people primarily aimed at containing the country through the use of sanctions.

According to hardline official British political opinions, sanctions against Iraq must continue, because to lift them now would be seen as rewarding the Iraqi government for standing up to American domination of the Middle East. British hardliners believe such a challenge must be punished and not rewarded.

Of course, such opinions are sadly lacking both in logic and in rationality, and in any case have lost their political effectiveness long ago. The continuation or otherwise of the sanctions regime against Iraq should in any case be a UN prerogative, and not subject to U.S. and British whim. Otherwise, the UN would lose its legal competence and its moral authority.

Saving the sick and hungry children of Iraq should moreover be a humanitarian duty that rises above any political objectives.

Lifting the sanctions against Iraq isn't going to alter the global strategic balance. Whether the sanctions remain or were curtailed, America would still be the world's only superpower. The only difference is that the people of Iraq would continue paying the price of sanctions in the blood of their children and in (UN-sanctioned) backwardness. This is a humanitarian crime that flouts all human rights.

There are, of course, some moderate (and even sympathetic) voices in Britain that believe that by unconditionally and blindly backing U.S. policy against the Iraqi people with no clear strategic aim, London has dug itself into a hole it can't extricate itself from. We therefore find that British policy towards Iraq is in a rut and needs a way out that doesn't involve loss of face.

ALTERNATIVE: The British government itself is asking what the alternative is to sanctions under present circumstances. It pretends that the Baghdad government is to blame for perpetuating sanctions by rejecting Resolution 1284.

The only obvious and fair alternative -- if the British were honestly and sincerely seeking one -- is lifting sanctions in exchange for a commitment by Iraq to implement all outstanding UN demands as laid out by Resolution 687.

An alternative to the sanctions policy is outlined in the following suggestions that can be adopted as a basis for an economic and political strategy to extricate the Iraqi people from the hell of the economic embargo and at the same time provide an honorable way out for Britain:

1. Putting an end to Iraq's isolation by reopening channels of diplomatic exchange between Baghdad and London. After all, Washington adopted such a policy with North Korea, and so did Britain with Libya and Iran. All these initiatives proved successful.

2. Rewarding Iraq for cooperating with arms inspections for nine years, recognizing Kuwait's borders, and implementing the oil-for-food deal by breaking the linkage between economic and military sanctions.

3. Rehabilitating Iraq to the world economic community by immediately removing all restrictions placed by the sanctions committee (on the pretext of dual use) on contracts signed by Iraq for the purchase of spare parts for its oil industry. Iraq would then be able to increase its oil exports and gain the necessary income to improve its economy and preserve its oil industry from decay.

4. Solving the problem of unemployment in Iraq by allowing the private sector to trade on world markets and providing the Iraqi government and private sector with loans designed to rebuild the country's infrastructure destroyed in the 1991 Gulf war and in subsequent U.S.-British bombardments.

5. Providing the necessary technical and technological aid to help ordinary Iraqis lead a normal life again. Foremost in this context is the rehabilitation of Iraq's power grid, which is essential for providing clean water for drinking and irrigation purposes and for refrigerating food and medicine warehouses.

6. Providing health care, medicines, and other medical supplies, especially for Iraq's children.

7. Providing essential technical know-how as fast as possible to rid the country of all unexploded U.S. and British ordnance -- some of which contains depleted uranium. Iraq must be helped to restore the fertility of its agricultural land and get rid of nuclear waste.

8. Unfreezing Iraqi assets and calling a halt to reparation payments for a reasonable period during which the country can gain some oil revenues. Iraq's loans must be rescheduled in such a way that the country is allowed to prosper. Iraq currently owes around $ 180 billion, a sum that increases annually by $ 8 billion. This sum must be compared with the fact that, from the start of the oil-for-food program more than three years ago until last December, Iraq's oil income did not exceed $ 20 billion at best. It is therefore necessary not to take Iraq out of an economic blockade only to let it fall under a financial one.

9. Creating favorable economic circumstances so that the Iraqi currency regains some of its value and consequently some dignity is restored to Iraqi families.

10. Permitting Iraqi students and intellectuals to travel abroad and participate in scientific conferences and seminars. Iraq has been deprived of exposure to modern ideas for 10 years, and rebuilding the country's economy is in need of educated technical cadres.

11. Respecting Iraq's independence and territorial integrity by calling a halt to daily sorties in the so-called "no-fly zones." The Turkish military must be dissuaded from flouting Iraq's sovereignty by regularly conducting operations inside Iraqi territory.

12. Permitting Iraq to take part fully in the so-called peace process in order to preserve peace and stability in the whole of the Middle East. Iraq is a vital constituent of the region and it would be wrong to believe that the peace process can succeed by excluding Baghdad.

13. Continuing the military blockade according to Resolution 687 which also states that the military capabilities of such states as Iran, Israel, and Turkey should also be restricted.

14. Abandoning all plans designed to destabilize and threaten the territorial integrity and sovereignty of Iraq.

If the aim of the U.S.-British economic blockade of Iraq is to weaken and isolate Iraq and limit its nationalistic ambitions under the pretext of preserving peace and stability in the Middle East, then this policy has demonstrably failed.

The steadfastness of the Iraqi people has exposed without a shadow of a doubt the true designs of U.S. policy regarding the Arab world and its wealth. Iraq has become an example for all Arabs who reject American and Israeli hegemony.

In fact, this hegemony is the real danger that threatens peace and stability in the Middle East. Therefore, adopting the logical and rational approach of lifting sanctions becomes an objective that serves both the interests and the stability of the Arab people.